Manipur police commando – found at Sugnu Zou Veg, Nazreth and Konsophai – found personal diary- written in English Script in Kuki Language.
The Diary writes “KUKI NATION (ZALENGAM) FILES – The Road to Zalengam”
ZALENGAM
Zale’n-gam or Zalengam (Thadou-Kuki) dialect for ‘land of freedom’), is a proposed state by Kuki people, with the intention of uniting all the Kuki tribes under a single government. The proposed state’s main proponents are the Kuki National Organisation and its armed wing, the Kuki National Army.
Zalengam is distinct from Kukiland, a proposed Indian state to be carved from the hilly area of the southern part of Manipur.
Territory and people
The territorial claims of Zale’n-gam encompass a historical region consisting of the territories traditionally inhabited by the Kukis, but which never have had their own state including:
- In India: Parts of Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and the Karbi Anglong District of Assam.
- In Burma: The Kabaw Valley and parts of Sagaing Division and Chin State.
- In Bangladesh: The Chittagong Hill Tracts
There is also a proposal to create two subdivisions of the proposed state: ‘Eastern Zalengam’ and ‘Western Zalengam’, the former within Burma and the latter in India.
Kuki tribes that would be part of this proposed state include the Bom, Biate, Gangte, Halam, Hmar, Kharam, Koireng, Kom, Lai, Mara, Purum, Saihriem, and the Thadou, among others.
INTRODUCTION
“Kuki Revolutionary” typically refers to individuals or groups who are part of a Kuki Nationalist or Separatist Movement, seeking political, social, or territorial rights for the Kuki community. The Kuki people are an ethnic group primarily residing in Northeast India, especially in the states of Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Assam, as well as neighboring countries like Myanmar (Burma).
The Kuki revolutionary movements have historical roots dating back to the early 20th century, with various groups advocating for the rights and autonomy of the Kuki community. These movements have often been fueled by perceptions of marginalization, discrimination, and neglect by the central governments and dominant ethnic groups in the region.
Over the years, different Kuki Revolutionary Organizations have emerged with varying objectives and ideologies. Some have sought territorial autonomy, while others have demanded a separate Kuki state within India or greater political representation for the Kuki people.
Throughout their history, the Kuki revolutionary movements have been marked by periods of armed struggle, negotiations with the government, and attempts to forge alliances with other ethnic groups. The movements have experienced periods of both violence and peaceful activism, depending on the strategies and approaches adopted by different factions within the movement.
THE FIRST PHASE (1980-89) – Mobilize Resources
During the initial phase, spanning from 1980 to 1989, the focus was on mobilizing resources and laying the foundation for a well-organized movement. A key aspect of this phase was the establishment of an “intellectual class” whose primary role was to create persuasive artifacts and documents that could justify the necessity and legitimacy of the cause they were fighting for. This involved crafting historical narratives and arguments tailored to their specific needs, effectively shaping public perception and garnering support.
Additionally, the movement sought to strengthen its presence within public administration services by strategically placing individuals who aligned with their goals. By building a resource pool within these services, they aimed to exert influence and ensure that their voice was heard at administrative levels, ultimately facilitating the implementation of their objectives.
Another critical step taken during this phase was reaching out to the central government in Delhi to negotiate a deal. Understanding the importance of cooperation and strategic alliances, the movement agreed to offer assistance to India in its fight against common adversaries. This willingness to collaborate showcased their commitment to broader national interests and helped build trust with the central authorities, which could potentially lead to mutual support in their own endeavors.
Overall, the first phase was characterized by the careful construction of a solid foundation for the movement. It involved creating a narrative that resonated with the masses, positioning influential individuals within the administrative structure, and establishing cooperative ties with the central government. These steps were pivotal in setting the stage for future phases, where more significant actions could be taken to advance their cause.
THE SECOND PHASE (1990-99) – Total Area Domination
During the second phase, spanning from 1990 to 1999, the focus of the movement shifted towards achieving total area domination by expanding their influence and control. This involved a multi-pronged approach aimed at consolidating power and extending their reach over various territories and sub-tribes, all falling under the Kuki Umbrella.
One of the key strategies employed during this phase was to engage in demographic engineering, strategically leveraging the Indian Constitutional Framework to lay the groundwork for capturing political power in specific regions such as Churachandpur, Chandel, and Kangpokpi, among others. By influencing demographics and political dynamics in their favor, they aimed to establish a stronger foothold in these areas.
Moreover, the movement sought to achieve total area domination in Moreh, a crucial location serving as an economic gateway to the east. To achieve this, they collaborated with the Indian Military, utilizing their assistance to gain control over this significant economic hub and exerting greater influence over the trade and commerce activities in the region.
Furthermore, a notable aspect of this phase was the intensification of their relations with the Indian Military and Intelligence agencies. This collaboration was aimed at showcasing the Chin-Kuki community’s capabilities as mercenaries, willing to assist in fighting against common adversaries such as the Naga and Meetei groups. By proving their usefulness as allies in military operations, they sought to strengthen their position and secure support from the Indian establishment.
In summary, the second phase of the movement was characterized by a comprehensive plan to achieve total area domination. Through the capture of territories and sub-tribes, demographic engineering to gain political power, control over economic gateways, and fostering strategic relations with the Indian Military and Intelligence, the movement aimed to consolidate their influence and ensure a stronger position in the region. This phase laid the groundwork for further advancements in the subsequent stages of their cause.
THE THIRD PHASE (2000-09) – Millennial & Gen-Z (The Future Generations) Grooming
During the third phase, which took place from 2000 to 2009, the movement underwent a shift in focus, employing a strategy centered around grooming the Millennial and Gen-Z generations. The aim was to harness the ambitions and energy of these young individuals and channel them towards developing a deep-seated animosity towards the Meetei community, which is a major ethnic group in Manipur.
To achieve this, the movement leaders strategically reinforced thoughts related to resource disparity between the Chin-Kuki community and the Meeteis. By emphasizing the perceived injustices and inequalities in resource distribution, they sought to instill a sense of grievance and discontentment among the younger generations.
Moreover, the leaders employed various tactics to ingrain the idea of hatred for Manipur as a whole. They might have propagated a skewed and divisive narrative, focusing on historical grievances or highlighting instances where the Meeteis were perceived as having an unfair advantage over other communities. By fostering a sense of collective victimhood, they sought to create a hostile mindset towards the Meeteis and the state of Manipur.
In addition to the above, the movement leaders likely exploited social media and digital platforms to target the younger generations effectively. Utilizing these modern communication channels, they might have disseminated propaganda, misinformation, and inflammatory content to manipulate the perceptions and beliefs of the Millennial and Gen-Z individuals.
By grooming and radicalizing the youth, the movement aimed to create a new generation of fervent supporters who would be driven by a deep-seated animosity towards the Meetei community and Manipur as a whole. This strategic approach focused on leveraging the potential and impressionability of young minds to further their divisive agenda and perpetuate their cause.
THE FOURTH PHASE (2010-2019) – Begin ZALENGAM Implementation
During the fourth phase, spanning from 2010 to 2019, the movement took significant strides in implementing the ZALENGAM agenda, which aimed to establish dominance and control through various calculated measures. This phase saw the movement resort to a combination of military training, firepower build-up, and the creation of a deceptive legal construct known as SoO (Suspension of Operations) to further their objectives.
One key aspect of this phase was the establishment of a proxy layer using the SoO Framework. This legal fiction was designed to confuse the general public while providing a cover for carrying out illegal operations using the same militants and firepower from their resource pool. By camouflaging their activities, the movement sought to operate discreetly, evading scrutiny while continuing to exert influence.
Additionally, the movement intensified its relationship with the Indian military and intelligence agencies, exploiting geopolitical considerations to strengthen their position. Leveraging geopolitical tensions, they offered mercenary services in border areas to counter China’s influence. This strategy provided them with leverage and resources, which further fueled their ambitions.
To expand their influence and control, the movement facilitated a formal alliance between mainstream politicians and Kuki militants through marriage. This alliance ensured that all politicians seeking power and support had to go through the militant groups, establishing a direct connection between political influence and the movement’s agenda.
Identity politics became a potent tool during this phase, with a specific focus on targeting the Meetei community while leaving the Naga community untouched. This strategic decision was influenced by historical events, particularly the events of 1992-1993 when clashes between the Naga and Kuki communities occurred. By mobilizing millennials and Gen-Z individuals who lacked strong emotional attachments to Manipur, the movement propagated identity politics, furthering their divisive agenda.
In summary, the fourth phase of the movement was characterized by a combination of military tactics, legal deceptions, geopolitical maneuvering, and the manipulation of identity politics. By intensifying their relations with the Indian military, offering mercenary services, and fostering alliances with politicians, the movement sought to consolidate its control. The strategic use of identity politics and targeting specific communities aimed to sow discord and ensure their influence extended even further.
THE FINAL PHASE (2020 – Now) – ZALENGAM Implementation
During the final phase, which began in 2020 and continues to the present, the movement fully launched the ZALENGAM Implementation, using the deceptive façade of “SEPARATE ADMINISTRATION” to advance their agenda. In preparation for this critical stage, the movement strategically groomed its human resources, focusing on key elements crucial for their success.
Identity politics played a significant role in this phase, as the movement effectively instilled a strong sense of separatist identity within its supporters. By promoting a divisive narrative that portrayed the Meeteis, a major ethnic group in the region, as enemies, they intensified the animosity between communities, further fueling their cause.
The movement also made sure to build up their firepower, amassing the necessary military resources and capabilities to assert control and enforce their demands. Simultaneously, they established a robust propaganda machinery, disseminating carefully crafted narratives and misinformation to manipulate public opinion in their favor.
The existence and mobilization of a well-established Christian network within the region played a crucial role in strengthening the movement’s outreach and support base. Leveraging religious ties, they were able to galvanize the Christian community behind their cause, further consolidating their influence.
All these preparations set the stage for a defining moment in their campaign, which came on the 3rd of May 2023 – an event referred to as the “SPARK.” The specifics of what transpired on that date remain unspecified in the provided text, but it likely marked a significant turning point, possibly involving a major demonstration, act of violence, or a declaration of intent to push forward their demands.
As the movement continues into the present, the “SEPARATE ADMINISTRATION” under the guise of ZALENGAM Implementation remains an ongoing effort, with the activists and leaders persistently pushing their agenda. The atmosphere is charged with tension, and the future remains uncertain as the movement grapples with challenges, opposition, and the complexities of its long-sought objectives.
